Caribbean Left Grenada and Latin America

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Both Grenada and the Latin America have similar feature as it regards to classism in the era of 20th century. For Latin America, There was a tendency to see other cultural attributes certainly as less important, and anyway more in the nature of subordinate and transient ten-dencies – premodern or semi-feudal relics of the past, which would be destroyed or at least attenuated by the expansion of market forces and capitalism generally. But the resilience of such socially deter-mined patterns, as well as the capitalist system’s remarkable ability to incorpo-rate patterns of linguistic/ethnic/social exclusion and discrimination as factors in commercial activity and labour markets Has forced a more nuanced understand-ing (Ghosh:12). On the other hand in Grenada the power of governance was concentrated in the hands of the brown and black middle class. So too was ownership of the means of production, which meant that the working poor was kept as a source of cheap labour and their fears were manipulated for political ends. It is against this background that the call for true independence by the Black Power activists was grounded. Black Power represented not only a racial response but it was also class based and anti-imperialist/nationalist. In this regard the target was simultaneously international and local capitalism, racism and authoritarian rule. The message of racial pride, uplift and empowerment, local ownership of the economy and socio-economic and political democracy resonated with both the middle class, youth and the working poor. The former were largely animated by the need for social justice, while the latter continued its historical struggle against social, racial and political marginalization. Slavery as ended at that time, but the climate of the left contribute the person especially the owners of the means of production to see some people more superior and some inferior.

Another feature that the both countries share is Settler colonialism. This an evocative term used in discussions about the British Empire, and is used to describe how settlers attempted to exterminate indigenous peoples while setting up social relations of extreme exploitation. He states that: Latin America shares these characteristics of “settler colonialism.” Together with the Caribbean and the US, it has a further characteristic not shared by Europe’s colonies elsewhere: the legacy of a nonindigenous enslaved class. Although slavery had been abolished in much of the world by the 1830s, the practice continued in Latin America (and the US) for several decades. The white settlers were unique in oppressing two different groups, seizing the land of the indigenous peoples and appropriating the labour of enslaved Africans. A feature of all “settler colonialist” societies has been the ingrained racist fear and hatred felt by the settlers, who are permanently alarmed by the presence of an expropriated producers of wealth. Yet, the race hatred of Latin America’s settlers has only had a minor part in our customary understanding of the continent’s history and society. Even politicians and historians on the left have preferred to discuss the impact of class rather than race (Campbell:2010). Both countries have a big problem in a sense where they have elites from other country coming in their countries, because of a high vulnerability. These person main goals were to make money by starting their own businesses and capitalise.

Both Grenada and the Latin America had a history of US meddling in their country. This can be seen after the war with Spain in 1898, the US maintained a large garrison in Cuba in the interest of creating a self-governing colony subordinate to Washington. The terms of the amendment included 1) restriction of land leasing to any nation but the US, 2) ensuring of US intervention in Cuban affairs and 3) prohibition of negotiating treaties with any power other than the US The amendment also provided the framework for the leasing of Guantanamo Bay to US control, which became an even more divisive issue upon transfer of detainees to the area following the September 11 attacks and subsequent wars (Listverse Staff:2009). This was called the Platt Amendment. Another instance is the Bay of Biggs Invasion in 1961 where US President Eisenhower oversaw plans to depose Communist Cuban leader Fidel Castro as early as 1960, using much the same model as the one used in Guatemala. Castro had deposed the US-backed Batista regime in the Revolution, and had since developed close ties with the Soviet Union. The plans came to fruition under the Kennedy administration. A force of anti-Castro Cuban exiles were landed in southern Cuba on April 17, 1961, supported by strikes on Cuban airfields. By this time, however, Castro’s forces were well equipped with advanced Soviet weapons and the invasion was defeated. Tensions between the US and Cuba would be strained to a breaking point with the Cuban Missile Crisis the following year (Listverse Staff: 2009). On the other hand for Grenada, in 1979, a revolution led by Maurice Bishop came to power with Cuban support. Among his projects was the construction of a large airstrip, which was charged by US President Reagan as designed for Soviet aircraft. An internal power struggle followed, ending in Bishop’s arrest and execution. At the time, 800 US medical students were on the island, and their presence amid the turmoil gave Reagan sufficient justification for ordering an invasion. Ten thousand US, Jamaican and Caribbean troops landed on Oct. 25, 1983. The invasion was condemned internationally by the UN General Assembly. Twenty American troops were killed, along with over a hundred Cuban and Grenadian soldiers and civilians.

In conclusion, throughout all of this the Caribbean people embraced their cultures significantly, the struggles, the pain and genocide. For the Caribbean people is known for the nations who is rich in culture. All of this is entrenched in the nation to fight fiercely for what they want; just like the Kalingos. In conclusion Despite his reported errors, Maurice Bishop’s contribution as a young and creative statesman to the popularisation of the ideas of Caribbean dignity and independence, Caribbean renewal and unity, his historic work in linking the struggles of the oppressed of the Caribbean and Latin America, his infectious and genuine revolutionary love are a lasting enlargement of the political culture of our times in this region (Dayclean: October 22, 1983). Both countries have experienced capitalism from countries that see them as vulnerable. But they both but stood up and fought for what they believe in. Although they were success and failure in both the good part is that they tried to fight against capitalism. Both countries share similarities and differences in their left movement. In terms of socio-economic problems, Us meddling in their

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