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How Have the Commercial Functions of Chinese Temples in Hong Kong Changed Since 1842?

Autor:   •  November 20, 2018  •  3,285 Words (14 Pages)  •  465 Views

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Figure 6: Tian Hou Festival at the Temple in Joss House Bay in 1962 (Heritage Museum, Hong Kong)

However, in the late 1900s, Hong Kong experienced massive economic growth, and there were continuous upgrades and constructions (Heritage Museum, Hong Kong Government), resulting in the gradual reduction of space available for hosting temporary temple fairs. It is difficult to organize massive temple fairs such as Tian Hou Festival in 1962 (Figure 6). In addition, the arrangement of celebrations was according to Chinese lunar calendar which was not popular as the quality and quantity of goods depend on natural and agricultural cycles. Instead, the Western calendar (also known as the national calendar) is adopted and corresponds to national holidays and schedules of the governments and schools (Dong, 2003). As a result, some temporary temple markets became permanent markets, and one example is Yau Ma Tei Hawker Bazaar (Jade Market) which generally operates on the daily basis. As described in Figure 7A, in the early days, many jade hawkers sold pieces of jades that were spread on the pavement, and they came together to form the Jade Market in 1984 (Figure 7B). This Jade market merely focus on commercial engagements, and this is evidenced in the types of jades sold in the Jade market which mainly serves the international community such as Merlion jade which is Singapore’s national icon and western Omega clocks as shown in Figure 8A and 8B respectively.

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Figure 7A (left): Yau Ma Tei Hawker Bazaar (Jade Market) and Temple Street Billboard

Figure 7B (right): Jade Market and the corresponding jade stalls

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Figure 8A (left): Merlion (Singapore’s National Icon) Jade

Figure 8B (right): Western Omega clocks amongst the Chinese religious gold figurings

Another example whereby temporary market becomes permanent is the Temple Street beside Tian Hou Temple. The temple was built in 1865 at Yau Ma Tei (coastal area) to protect the fishermen. After it had been rebuilt in 1876 due to a typhoon, there was a public square built in front of the temple (Lau, Leung & Yuen, 2013). Since the 1920s, people made use of the public space and provided various entertainment and services such as opera singing, fortune telling, and letter writing. As a result, Tian Hou Temple became a major social nucleus point for the local residents to gather and it served as a favourable commercial environment (Wordie, 2007). This attracted hawkers and vendors to sell food and merchandises to the locals who congregate outside the temple, and this public space became a regular market. However, as the area was upgraded, the hawkers had to find new areas to set up their stalls and hence, were pushed away from the Tian Hou Temple (Hong Kong Memory). In 1968, the government stepped in to manage these hawkers as there were frequent quarrels among them over the stalls’ locations. Thus, they were required to register before a stall was given and decided through drawing lots (Hong Kong Memory) and it was at this point when the temporary stalls in the Temple Street became permanent shops as shown in Figure 9A.

The commercial functions of this Temple Street still preserve the traditional elements and sell items that can be found in the 1920s markets such as calligraphies and paintings as shown in Figure 9B and 9C. However, as the importance of Temple Street in serving the locals’ daily needs has declined, some of the vendors adapt to the new market trends and change the directions of commerce. Instead of merely selling their goods to the local residents who gathered outside the Tian Hou Temple like they did in the 1920s to 1940s, merchandises are sold to tourists and locals as the Temple Street became a tourist attraction in the 1980s (Hong Kong Tourism Board, 2015). In addition, there is a flourishment of Chinese fortune teller kiosk surrounding the Tian Hou Temple as shown in Figure 10A. There is an obvious indication that the fortune teller kiosk also experiences westernization and a shift of audiences from the local Chinese residents in the 1920s to the present tourists with English-speaking services and tarot cards which originate from Milan, Italy (Figure 10B and 10C). Ironically, there are also booths that sell a wide variety of sexual items that are disrespectful to the Tian Hou Temple that is situated just beside the stalls (Figure 11). This clearly depicts that the commercial functions of temples have separated from the religion and traditional values (Dong, 2003).

Therefore, the commercial functions of temples have changed drastically as the temporary temple fairs and markets in front of the temples faced gradual decrement of spaces and permanent shops were set up instead. Businesses now depend on the tourists and locals who walk past the permanent booths as compared to the local citizens who gathered outside the Tian Hou Temple in the 1920s to 1940s. The commercial focus of the temples is also separated from the religion’s beliefs with the sales of western-related goods and sexual items.

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Figure 9A: Permanent shops in Temple street

Figure 9B (left) and 9C (right): Paintings and calligraphies in Temple street

Figure 10A: Fortune teller kiosk surrounding Tian Hou Temple

Figure 10B (left): English speaking Chinese fortune teller booth

Figure 10C (right): Tarot cards and palm readings booth

Figure 11: Sex booths openly sell vibrators and other sexual items right beside Tian Hou Temple

2.3 Inclusion of Western Culture in Paper Offerings

Money is a universal sacred substance that is accepted as a form of exchange and represents the commodity value of the goods and services. In Chinese traditional rituals, burning of spirit money is a continuation of our attachment and obsession with money in the netherworld and it serves as a channel for communicating with gods, spirits, and ancestors (Gates, 1995). When one provides paper offerings, one expects some forms of reciprocation such as blessings the family with good health and fortune. As mentioned by Chau (2006), “[Chinese] religion is business in addition to involving beliefs and sacred symbols,” paper offerings are

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