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(616) and “called for the nationalizing of the RR, telephone, and telegraph” (616), as well as the “instituting of the graduated income tax” and creation of a new “federal sub-treasury” (616). Those overlooked and long-ignored rural residents and farmers demand equalizing of the rich and poor, and the unlimited coinage of silver which they believe will cause inflation and the rising cost of their crops. These determined Populists were “not to be laughed away” (626), as through their presidential candidate, James B Weaver, they pulled over a million votes, displaying their determinism. The social and political unrests’ roots can be treated to the Coxey’s Army incident. Under the claim that “farmers and laborers alike were being victimized by an oppressive economic and political system, (626) “the growing hordes of displaced industrial toilers” marched to Washington in 1894, led by “General” Jacob Coxey. Their platform stated a demand “that the public works program, supported by some $500 million in legal tender notes to be issued by the Treasury” and the “army” sang “We’re coming, Grover Cleveland /500,00 strong / We’re marching on to Washington / to right the nation’s wrong”. The marchers were arrested for marching on the White House grass, and the rebellion was disbanded, though it was the first uprising for the Populists. The 2nd of the “flare ups” was the Pullman strike, led by Eugene V. Debs. He organized about 150,000 members to organize strikes by overturning Pullman Palace Car Co.’s railcars from Chicago to the Pacific Coast. The “turmoil was serious but not completely out of hand” until “federal troops, bayonets fixed, crushed the Pullman strike” (618). The display was another form of social unrest and economic distress. Both of these uprisings of the Pop. sourced from the economic depression or the Panic of 1893, caused by overexpansion of RR, inadequate credit, reduced overseas trade, and incapable banking systems, during this time. This depression would result in cut wages and or increased rates that ordinary commoners could not keep up with when they lived on the borderline of subsistence.

6. What, if anything, did the Populist and labor protests accomplish?

The Pop. and Labor movements were the first efforts to the overall accomplishments of reformation during this period. American Federation of Labor had to appear after the Knights of Labors in order to successfully carry out reform on an already paved path. The Pop., furthermore, advanced a candidate to the election of 1896, in which the displayed a powerful standing. William Bryan had a relatively strong reputation in the election, in which his “Cross of Gold Speech was a sensation” (620). They represented their ideology, that the “ratio of 16 oz. of silver to 1 of gold” should be standard to benefit the majority of non-industrialists. The Pop. appeared strong until Bryan lost, which was when the Pop. movement collapsed entirely. The Pop. movement, in another view, accomplished nothing. The Pop. had bet on Bryan to carry their ideologies for them, but in the end, lost to McKinley. The frank truth is that the Pop. had won nothing, but the Progressive movement did keep some social stimulation going through ages. The truth is that the Progressives didn’t give care about farmers, just the middle class, in between the lower/upper classes.

7. Was the federal government biased against farmers and workers in the late 19th century? Why or why not?

The federal government was biased against farmers and the workers because “farmers, on the other hand, had no choice but to sell their low-priced products in a fiercely competitive, unprotected world market, while buying high-priced manufactured goods in a protected home market”(614). Basically, the government did not care about these hard working farmers and workers. For example, these farmers were to pay heavy taxes because since the lands could not be avoided by tax officials. Therefore, these farmers had to find a way to make more taxes, before the financiers can easily close their OWN property. Most importantly, they could not support their own family because of these heavy taxes. With the big trusts above and the restless immigrants working for cheap labor, they “squeezed” middle class citizens. Major corporations bribed government officials to make favorable legislators for them against workers. During the growth of the railroad, many Chinese immigrants worked on the rail lines. “The

Kearneyites, many of whom were recently arrived immigrants from Europe, hotly

resented the competition of cheap labor from the still more recently arrived Chinese”

(514). But the Chinese were not alone in the United States. In the east, the Irish were competitive struggle for earning wages. Both headbutted each other, which led the Chinese severe discrimination against the Chinese who were considered to be the threat of Irish. So, in 1882, the congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, which prohibited the immigration from China.

8. Was McKinley’s election really a “conservative” one, or was it Bryan and the Populists

who represented the agrarian past resisting and urban American future?

McKinley’s election was not technically conservative. If the definition of conservation is to remain content with and support what is already in place, how could McKinley have been conservative if he seduced the Republican platform for himself by “declaring for the gold standard” despite holding voting record records “that had embarrassingly friendly to silver?” (620) McKinley’s strategy, according to the text, appears as if he had vacillated between his views of favoring silver and gold, primarily favoring silver, to upholding gold in order to solidify his nomination in the Republican candidacy. However, McKinley’s election campaign was on the more conservative side if the definition of conservative is anti-radical in behavior or nature, reserved, and peaceful. He held what was called the front porch campaign, in which he had certain groups and organized sections of his potential voters visit him on his front porch in Ohio. He gave speeches to appeal to those certain, individual groups directly from his home, and did very little otherwise to support his campaign. In contrast to Bryan, his opponent, who traveled the continental United States in order to disseminate his beliefs while exhausting and talking himself into corners, Mckinley’s tactics were indeed, less radical, much more

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